@ 






FIVE APPEALS 



TO 



AMERICAN PATRIOTISM 

ISSUED BY 

HONGWANJI MISSION 

HONOLULU, T. H. 




FIVE APPEALS 

TO 

AMERICAN PATRIOTISM j^ 

Declarltion of Independence 
Washington's Farewell Address 
Monroe's Seventh Annual Message 
Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech 
Wilson's War Message 



Issued by 
The Publishing Bureau of Hongwanji Mission 
Honolulu, T. H. . 
July 1st, 1917 



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CONTENTS 

Preface (Rev.) Y. Imamura. 

Introductory Letters Governor Pinkham. 

" " W. R. Farrington ... 

R. O. Matheson 



Declaration of Independence 1 

Farewell Address George Washington 9 

Seventh Annual Message ... James Monroe 33 

Gettysburg Speech Abraham Lincoln 37 

War Message Woodrow Wilson 41 

Appendix 55 

International Song P. H. Dodge 83 



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PREFACE 

Rev. Y. Imamura 

Owing to the earnest admonitions of the representative 
of the Citizenship Educational Committee,our Hongwanji 
Mission began to take its part in the work of enlightening 
the young Japanese minds two years ago. To my great 
satisfaction, the first general meeting held at the Japanese 
High School under our auspices was a success. Since then 
we have been doing our utmost to help out the work ot 
the campaigners by counsel, suggestion, or taking the 
young men under our gidance to the meetings. We have 
now two representatives in the supervisoiy committee. 
That we have been unable to make particular and sub- 
stantial contribution toward the end in view has been, 
however, my constant regret. 

Now is the time for those living in this country to be 
more than mere spectators. The life of gratitude and 
thanksgiving is a fundamental principle of our fellow- 
believers. Today is the most opportune time to evoke 
this spirit in their minds, and thus we have begun our 
movement toward the control and conservation of food 
supplies. Since the United States has declared that a 
state of belligerency exists between this country and the 
German Empire, President Wilson has read his war-mes- 
sage before the joint session of Congress, and the War Bill 
for $7,000,000,000 has been rushed like a shot through the 
Legislature. America is now alive with patriotism. 
This affords a splendid opportunity for inspiring the 
American spirit in the sons of the soil, and the President's 
now famous proclamation with its elevated devotion to 



democracy, furnishes the very text for inculcating true 
Americanism. 

Pne writer has gone so far as to call it one of the four 
historical papers, the others being the Declaration of In- 
dependence, the Farewell Address of Washington, and 
the Gettysburg Speech of Lincoln. This led to the re- 
reading of these papers. As to the first, it is needless to 
make any comment. As to the second, we find there the 
father of his country, out of solicitude for the well-being 
of his fellow citizens, urging them with the disinterested 
freedom of a departing friend, to perpetuate union and 
brotherly love and to maintain a free constitution. Lin- 
coln's speech, concise and short as it is, will never be for- 
gotten, if only for the one phrase "The government of the 
people, by the people, for the people." These four ad- 
dresses together with the seventh annual message of Pre- 
sident Monroe, in which one finds the text of the famous 
doctrine bearing his name, are well worth reading and 
re-reading by any American whatever his origin. These 
must be put into memory just as ''the five vows" of the 
late Emperor of Japan, his Edict on Education and his 
Proclamation of 1908 are memorized by almost every 
Japanese. They are the right and long wanted scripture 
of American spirit, and I hope they will be adopted as 
such in the education for American citizenship. 

To facilitate the right understanding of the message 
these scriptures bear to the minds of our young, I have 
taken pains to make a Japanese version of them, aiid 
here it is printed side by side with the originals. This, I 
hope, will also afford to the parents of the young men born 
here the chance of access to, and appreciation of the Ame- 
rican spirit, which, heretofore, has been wanting. Those 
of Shinshu faith are earnest in the belief that m Shinran- 



ism is the foundation of their spiritual life, and that the 
laws of the land are the foundation of civil life. Since we 
live in this country, we must be faithful and obedient to 
the laws of the country. Moreover, it is generally con- 
'sidered that those who firmly believe in religion and faith- 
fully obey the national laws are the most desirable citi- 
zens. To be faithful and obedient to the Land of the 
Stars and Stripes, one must thoroughly understand the 
spirit of the country. In order to do this it will be most 
desirable to truly comprehend the aforesaid five appeals 
to American patriotism, 

(Rev.) Y. IMAMURA, 

Hongwanji Mission, 

Honolulu. 



INTRODUCTORY LETTER 

June 1st, 1917. 

Honolulu, Hawaii, Juno 1, 1917. 

The Declaration of Independence is the Chart and 
Compass by which, through the Constitution, the United 
States of America established itself a nation. 

The Farewell Address by George Washington inspired 
the fathers of the nation. The Gettysburg Address of 
Abraham Lincoln inspired the preservers of the nation. 
The Great Message of Woodrow Wilson has inspired the 
people to place our country in the front rank of the 
nations of the world. 

While sentiment thrills our hearts and minds, let us 
remember it is only through deeds of profoundest wisdom, 
sacrifice and force that Washington, Lincoln and Wilson 
stand peerless; and that deeds, not words, must mark 
every coming hero. 

LUCIUS. E. PINKHAM, 

Governor of Hawaii. 



INTRODUCTORY LETTER 

Honolulu, Hawaii, Juno 8th, 1917. 
Rev. Y. Imamura, 

Bishop Hongwanji Mission, 
Honolulu, T. H. 

Dear Sir: I heartily commend your plan to place be- 
fore the American born Japanese in this Territory, the five 
appeals to American patriotism namely, the American 
Declaration of Independence; Farewell Address of Wash- 
ington; Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech, President Wilson's 
War Message and President Monroe's Monroe Doctrine 
Message. 

The children born in this Territory should receive ev- 
ery possible educational influence directing their atten- 
tion to unwavering loyalty to the United States of Amer- 
ica, the nation of their birth. 

You may be sure that your efforts in line with this pur- 
pose will be appreciated by all true American citizens. 

Y'ours very truly, 

HONOLULU STAR-BULLETIN, LTD., 
W. R. FARRINGTON, 

General Business Manager, 



INTRODUCTORY LETTER 

Honolulu, Hawaii, June 21, 1917. 
Mr. Y. Imamura, 

Bishop, Hongwanji Mission, 
Honolulu, T. H. 

My dear Bishop : It is particularly gratifying to me to 
be informed that you purpose issuing as a pamphlet from 
your mission a reprint of the five great state papers of 
American history, the words of Jefferson,Washington, Lin- 
coln, Monroe and Wilson, which follow each other in fit- 
ting sequence in the tale of American liberty and the 
growth of democracy and the rights of man. I have no 
doubt that the wide distribution you will be able to give 
to these patriotis words will bring to many thousands of 
the American young men and women of Hawaii of Jap- 
anese birth, a clearer understanding of true Americanism, 
a brighter light upon the fundamental principles of our 
democracy, a wider view of that patriotism which Ameri- 
cans must have to hasten the great mission our nation 
has been called upon to perform for the world. 

The Declaration of Independence, Washington's Fare- 
well Address, Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech, the Declara- 
tion of the IMonroe Doctrine and the War Proclamation of 
President Wilson, each emphasizes the not always recog- 
nized truth that unselfish service, which is not cramped 
within geographic or national limit, is the highest form 
of patriotism. Service to mankind is breathed through- 
out each of these inspiring documents, wherein one may 
search in vain for any self-seeking, any tinge of jealousy, 
or suggestion of jingoism. 



This is the patriotism that should be taught, that is 
the patriotism that should be developed amongst those of 
our community of Japanese stock. It is a form of true 
Americanism that should come the more natural to the 
Americans of Japanese birth inasmuch as it only a trans- 
planting and an enlarging of the spirit of Nippon, the 
spirit that places the weal of the many above the interest 
of the individual. 

We want a patriotism of the heart, and such is the 
patriotism taught in the five great papers you propose to 
circulate. 

I believe you are doing a great work for the American 
youths of Hawaii of Japanese birth, and a great work as 
well for Hawaii and for all the people of this Territory, 
not alone in the reprinting of these great documents but 
in much else that you have done along similar lines. 

May the success of this venture exceed even your fond- 
est hopes. 

Yours very truly, 

R. O. MATHESON (Signed). 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

In Congress July 14, 1776. 

THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF 

THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES 

OF AMERICA 



When, in the course of human events, it becomes neces- 
sary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which 
have connected them with another, and to assume, among 
the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that 
they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men 
are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator 
with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happines:. That, to secure 
these rights, governments are instituted among men, de- 
riving their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned; that, whenever any form of government becomes 
destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to 
alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, 
laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing 
its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely 
to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will 
dictate that governments long established, should not be 
changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, 
all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed 
to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right them- 
selves by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- 
tomed. 

But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pur- 
suing invariably the same object, evinces a design to re- 
duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it 
is their duty, to throw off such government, and to pro- 
vide new guards for their future security. Such has been 
the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such 2s now 
the necessity which constrains them to alter their former 

(3) 



system of government. The history of the present king 
of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and 
usurpations, all having in direct object the estabhshment 
of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, 
let facts be submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome 
and necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of imme- 
diate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their 
operation till his assent should be obtained; and, when so 
suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommoda- 
tion of large districts of people, unless those people would 
relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a 
ri<?;ht inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places un- 
usual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of 
their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them 
into compliance with his measures. 

He has resolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
opposing, with manly firmness, his invasion on the rights 
of the people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolution, 
to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative pow- 
ers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people 
at large for their exercise; the State remaining, in the 
meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from 
without, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
States ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for natural- 
ization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage 
their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new 
appropriations of lands. 

(4) 



ile has obstructed the administration of justice, by re- 
fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the 
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of 
their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, ana sent 
hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out 
their substance. 

•He has kept among us in times of peace, standing 
armies, without the consent of our legislature. 

He has affected to render the military independent 
JO and superior to, the civil power. 

He has combined, with others, to subject us to a juris- 
diction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged 
by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended 
legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punish- 
ment for any murders which they should commit on the 
inhabitants of these States; 

For cutting. off our trade with all parts of the world: 

For imposing taxes on us without. our consent: 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial 
by jury: 

For transporting us beyond sea to be tried for pretended 
offenses: 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a 
neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary 
government and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render 
it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing 
the same absolute rule into these colonies: 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most val- 
uable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our 

(5) 



governments : 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring 
themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all 
cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here by declaring us out 
of his protection, and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our costs, burnt our 
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is, at this time, transporting large armies of for- 
eign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desola- 
tion, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of 
cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most bar- 
barous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized 
nation. 

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 
the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to be- 
come the execut: oners of their friends and brethren, or to 
fall themselves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- 
tiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of 
warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, 
sexes, and conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned 
for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated peti- 
tions have been answered only by repeated injury. A 
prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which 
may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free 
people. 

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British 
brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of 
attempts by their legislature to extenrl an unwarrantable 
jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the cir- 

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cumstaiices of our emigration and settlement here. We 
have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, 
and we have conjured them by the ties of our common 
kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would in- 
evitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. 
They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and con- 
sanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the neces- 
sity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we 
hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States 
of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to 
the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the 
good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de- 
clare, 

That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to 
be, free and independent States; that they are absolved 
from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all poli- 
tical connection between them and the State of Great 
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as 
free and independent States, they have full power to levy 
war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com- 
merce, and to do all other acts and things which inde- 
pendent States may of right do. 

And for the support of this declaration, with a firm re- 
liance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutu- 
ally pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our 
sacred honors. JOHN HANCOCK. 

New Hampshire — Josiah Bartlett, Wm. Whipple, Mat- 
thew Thornton. 

Massachusetts Bay — Saml. Adams, John Adams, Robt. 
Teat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. 

Rhode Island — Step. Hopkins, William EUery. 

(7) 



Connecticut — Roger Sherman, Saml. Huntington, Wm. 
Williams, Oliver Wolcott. 

New York — Wm. Floyd, Phil. Livingston, Frans. Lewis, 
Lewis Morrs. 

New Jersey'' — Richard Stockton, Jno. Witherspoon, 
Fras. Hopkinson, John Hart, Abra. Clark. 

Pennsylvania — Robt. Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benja. 
Franklin, John Morton, Geo. Clymer, Jas Smith, Geo. 
Taylor-, James Wilson, Geo. Ross. 

Delaware — Caesar Rodney, Geo. Read, Tho. McKean. 

Maryland — Samuel Chase, Wm. Paca, Thos. Stone, 
Charles Carroll, of Carrolton. 

Virginia — Geo. W^ythe, Richard Henry Lee, Th. Jeffer- 
son, Benja. Harrison, Thos. Nelson, Jr., Francis Light- 
foot Lee, Carter Braxton. 

North Carolina — Wm. Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John 
Penn. 

South Carolina — Edward Rutledge, Thos. Heyward, 
Jun.; Arthur Middleton. 

Georgia. — Button Gwinnett, Lyman Ha,ll, Geo. Walton. 



m 



GEORGE WASMfNGTON^S 
FAREWELL ADDRESS 

TO THE PEOPLE 
OF THE UNITED STATES 

Sept. 17, 1796 



rrienflp and Fellow Citizens: The period for a, new 
election of a. citizen, to administer the fxecutive govern- 
ment of the United States, being not far distant, and the 
time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be em- 
ployed in designating the person, who is to be clothed 
with that important trust, it appears to me proper, espe- 
cially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of 
the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the 
resolution I have formed, t-o decline being consiflered 
among the numbei' of those, out of whom a choice is to ho 
made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to 
be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, with- 
out a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining 
to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his coun- 
try ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which 
silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by 
no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no defi- 
ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am 
supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible 
with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the 
office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have 
been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of 
duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your 
desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been 
much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, 
which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that 
retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 
The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to 
the last election, had even led to the preparation of an 
address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the 
then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with 

(11) 



foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons en- 
titled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 
I rejoice that , the state of your concerns, external as 
well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclina- 
tion incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or pro- 
priety; and am persuaded whatever partiality may oe re- 
tained for my services, that in the present circumstances 
of our country, you will not disapprove my determina- 
tion to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the 
arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In 
the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have 
with good intentions, contributed towards the organiza- 
tion and administration of the government, the best ex- 
ertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. 
Not unconscious, in the out set, of the inr/^icrity of my 
qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still 
more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives 
to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing 
weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the 
shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be 
welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given 
peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I 
have the consolation to believe, that while choice and 
prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism 
does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended 
to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do 
not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved coun- 
try, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still 
more for the stedfast confidence with which it has sup- 
ported me; and for the opportunities I have thence en- 

(12) 



joyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by ser- 
vices faithful and persevering, though in usefulness un- 
equal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country 
from these services, let it always be rememberefl to your 
praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that 
under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in 
every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appear- 
ances sometimes dubious, — vicissitudes of fortune often 
discouraging, — in situations in which not. unfrequently 
want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism - 
the constantcy of your support was the essential prop 
of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they 
were effected. Profoundly penetrated w^ith this idea, I 
shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement 
to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the 
choicest tokens of its beneficence — -that your union and 
brotherly affection may be perpetual — that the free con- 
stitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sac- 
redly maintained — that its administration in every de- 
partment may be stamped with wisdom and virtue^ — 
that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, 
under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by 
so careful a preservation r.nd so prudent a use of this 
blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommend- 
ing it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every 
nation which is yet a strangerto it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for 
your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and 
the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, 
urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your fre- 
quent review, some sentiments, which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and 

(13). 



which appear to me all important to the permanency of 
your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you 
with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the 
disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can pos- 
sibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor 
can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent 
reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimi- 
lar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga- 
ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is ne- 
cessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one 
people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a 
main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the 
support of your tranquility at home, your peace aroad; 
of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty 
which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to toresee, 
that from different causes and from different quarters, 
much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to 
weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as 
this is the point in your political fortress against which 
the batteries of internal and external enemies will be 
most constantly and actively (though often covertly and 
insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you 
should properly estimate the immense value of your na- 
tional Union, to your collective and individual happiness; 
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immove- 
able attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think 
and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political 
safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with 
jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest 
even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; 
and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of ev- 



6ry attempt to alienate any portion of our country from 
the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link 
together the various parts. 

■For this you have every inducement of sympathy and 
interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common coun- 
try, that country has a right to concentrate your affec- 
tions. The name of American, which belongs to you, in 
your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride 
of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from 
local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, 
you have the same religion, manners, habits and political 
principles. You have in a common cause fought and tri- 
umphed together; the independence and the liberty you 
possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, 
of common dangers, sufferings and successes. 

But these consideration, however powerfully they ad- 
dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out- 
weighed by those which apply Inore immediately to 
your interest. Here every portion of our country finds 
the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and 
preserving the union of the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
South, protected by the equal laws of a common govern- 
ment, finds in the productions of the latter, great addi- 
tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise 
and precious materials of manufacturing industry. — The 
South in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency 
of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce 
expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen 
of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigor- 
ated; — and while it contributes, in different ways, to 
nourish and increase the general mass of the national 
navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a mari- 

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time strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The 
East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, 
and in the progressive improvement of interior communi- 
cations, by land and water, will more and more find a 
valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from 
abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives 
from the East supplies requisite to its growth and com- 
fort -and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it 
must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispen- 
sable outlets for its own productions to the weight, in- 
fluence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic 
side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community 
of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the 
West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived 
from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and 
unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be 
intrinsically precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels an im- 
mediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts 
combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means 
and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportion- 
ably greater security from external danger, a less fre- 
quent interuption of their peace by foreign nations; and 
what is of inestimable value! they must derive from 
union an exemption from those broils and wars between 
themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring coun- 
tries, not tied together by the same government; which 
their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, 
but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and in- 
trigues would stimulate and unbitter. Hence likewise 
they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military 
establishments, which under any form of government are 
inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as 

C163 



particularly hostile to Republican liberty. In this sense 
it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main 
prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought 
to endear to you the preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to 
every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the con- 
tinuance of the ITnion as a primary object of patriotic 
desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government 
can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. 
To listen to mere speculation in such a case were crim- 
inal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organiza- 
tion of the.v/hole, with the auxiliary agency of govern- 
ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy 
issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full 
experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to 
Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experi- 
ence shall not have demonstrated its practicability, there 
will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, 
who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturo our 
Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any 
ground should have been furnished for characterising 
parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and 
Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men 
may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real dif- 
ference of local interests and views. One of the expedi- 
ents of party to acquire influence, within particular dis- 
tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other 
districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against 
the jealousies and heai't burnings which spring from 
these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to 
each other those who ought to be bound together by fra- 
ternal affection. Tht' inhabitants of our western country 



have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have 
seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the un- 
animous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with 
Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, 
throughout the United States, a decisive proof how un- 
founded were the suspicions propagated among them of a 
policy in the general government and in the Atlantic 
States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mis- 
sissippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of 
two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with 
Spain, which secure to them every thing they could de- 
sire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirm- 
ing their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely 
for the preseivatioji of these advantages on the Ihiion by 
which they were piocured? Will they not henceforth be 
deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever 
them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? 
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a gov- 
ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, 
however strict, between the parts can be an adequate 
substitute; they must inevitably experience the infrac- 
tions and interruptions which all alliances in all times 
have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you 
have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of 
a constitution of government better calculated than your 
former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious 
management of your common concerns. This Govern- 
ment, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and 
unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature de- 
liberation, completely free in its principles, in the distri- 
bution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and 
containing within itself a provision for its own amend- 
ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup- 

Cis) 



port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, 
acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the 
fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our 
political systems is the right of the people to make and 
to alter their Constitutions of Government. But, the 
Constitution which at any time exists, 'till changed by 
an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sac- 
redly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power 
and the right of the people to establish government pre- 
supposes the duty of every individual to obey the estab- 
lished government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all com- 
binations and associations, under whatever plausible 
character, with the real design to direct, control, counter- 
act, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the con- 
stituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental 
principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize 
faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force — 
to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, 
the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterpris- 
ing minority of the community ; and, according to the al- 
ternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public 
administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incon- 
gruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of con- 
sistent and wholesome plans digested by common coun- 
cils, and modified by mutual interests. However com- 
binations or associations of the above description may 
now and then answer popular ends, -they are likely in the 
course of time and things to become potent engines, by 
which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be 
enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp 
for themselves the reins of government; destroying after- 
wards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust 

(19) 



dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and the 
permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, 
not only that j^ou speedily discountenance irregular op- 
positions to its acknowledged authority, but also that 
you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its prin- 
ciples however specious the pretexts. One method of as- 
sault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution 
alterations which will impair the energy of the system, 
and thus to undermine what cannot be directly over- 
thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, 
remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to 
fix the true character of governments, as of other human 
institutions — that experience is the surest standard, by 
which to test the real tendency of the existing constitu- 
tion of a country— that facility in changes upon the 
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to per- 
petual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and 
opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient 
management of your common interests, in a country so 
extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is 
consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indis- 
pensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, 
with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest 
guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where 
the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises 
of faction, to confine each member of the society within 
the lunits prescribed -by the laws, and to maintain all in 
the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person 
and property. 

I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties 
in the state, with particular reference to the founding of 
them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take 

C20) 



d. more comprehensive view, aiid warn you in the most 
solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit 
of party, generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na- 
ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the hu- 
man mind. It exists under different shapes in all govern- 
ments, more or less stifled, controlled or repressed ; but in 
those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rank- 
ness and is truly their worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dis- 
sention, which in different ages and countries has per- 
petrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful 
despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and 
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which 
result, gradually inclme the minds of men to seek secu- 
rity and repose in the absolute power of an individual, 
and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction 
more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns 
this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on 
the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind 
(which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) 
the common and continual mischiefs- of the spirit of 
party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of 
a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 

t serves always to distract the public councils and en- 
feeble the public administration. It agitates the commu- 
nity with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles 
the animosity of one part against another, foments occa- 
sionally riot and insurrcetion. It opens the door to for- 
eign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated 
access to the government itself through the channels of 

(21) 



party passions. Thus the policy and will of one country 
are subjected to the policy and will of another. 

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are 
useful checks upon the administration of the govern- 
ment, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This 
within certain limits is probably true; and in govern- 
ments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look wit' 
indulgence, if not with favor upon the spirit of party. 
But in those of the popular character, in governments 
purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From 
their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be 
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And 
there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to 
be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assauge 
it. A fire not to be quenched: it demands a uniform 
vigilance to prevent its bursting into flame, lest, instead 
of warming, it should consume 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking 
in a free country, should inspire caution, in those en- 
trusted with its administration, to confine themselves 
within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in 
the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach 
upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to con- 
solidate the powers of all the departments in one, and 
thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real 
despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and 
proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human 
heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this posi- 
tion. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise 
of political power; by dividing and distributing it into 
different depositories, and constituting each the guardian 
of the public weal against invasions by the others, has 
been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some 

C22) 



of them in our country and under our own eyes. To pre- 
serve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, 
in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modifica- 
tion of the constitutional powers be in any particular 
wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way 
which the constitution designates. But let there be no 
change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, 
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary 
weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The 
precedent must always gi-eatly overbalance in permanent 
evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can 
at any time yield. 

•Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to politi- 
cal prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable 
supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of 
patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pil- 
lars of human happiness , these firmest props of the duties 
of men and citizens. The mere politician, ecjually with 
the pious man ought to respect and cherish them. A 
volume could not trace all their connections with private 
and public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the 
security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense 
of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the 
instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let 
us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality 
can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be 
conceded to the influence of refined education on minds 
of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid 
us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclu- 
sion of religious principle. 

'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne- 
cessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed 
extends wdth more or less force to every species of free 

(235 



government Who that is a sincere friend to it can look 
with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation 
of the fabric? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, in- 
stitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In 
proportion as the structure of a government gives force 
to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion 
should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security 
cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is 
to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of 
expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that 
timely disbursements to prepare for danger fr(X!uently 
prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoid- 
ing likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shun- 
ning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in 
time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable 
wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing 
upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to 
bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your re- 
presentatives, but it is necessary that public opinion 
should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance 
of their duty, it is essential that you should practically 
bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there 
must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be 
taxes; that no taxs can be devised which are not more or 
less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic em- 
barrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper 
objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought 
to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the 
conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit 
of acquiescence in the m^easures for obtaining revenue 
which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 



Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cul- 
tivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality 
enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does 
not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, en- 
lightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to 
give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel ex- 
ample of a people always guided by an exalted justice 
and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of 
time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly 
repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by 
a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence hc^- 
not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with 
its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by 
every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is 
it rendered impossible by its vices? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen- 
tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against 
particular nations, and passionate attachments for others 
should be excluded; and that in place of them just and 
amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The 
nation which indulges towards another an habitual hat- 
red, or an habitual fondness, is in som^e degree a slave. 
It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of 
which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and in- 
terest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes 
each more readily to offer insult and njury, to lay hold of 
slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intract- 
able, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute oc- 
cur. Hence frequent collisions, lobstinate, envenomed 
and blood}'' contests. The nation, prompted by ill will 
and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Govem- 
mient, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The 
government sometimes participates in the national pro- 

(25) 



pensity, antl adopts through passion what reason would 
reject; at other tnnes, it makes the animosity of the na- 
tion subservient to projects of hostility instigated by 
pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives. 
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of na- 
tions has been the victim. 

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for 
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the 
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary 
comm.on interest .in cases where no real common interest 
exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, 
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels 
and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or 
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite 
nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly 
to injure the nation making the concessions; by unne- 
cessarily parting with what ought to have been retained ; 
and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to re- 
taliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are 
withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
luded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite na- 
tion) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their 
own countrv, without odium, sometimes even with popu- 
larity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
of obligation a commendable deference for public opi- 
nion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or fool- 
ish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, 
such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly 
enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- 
tunities do thev afford to tamper with domestic factions, 
to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opi- 
nion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an 

C26) 



attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and 
powerful nation, dorms the former to be the satellite of 
the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence ( I con- 
jure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a 
free people ought to be constantly awake; since history 
and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the 
most baneful foes of republican government. But that 
jealousy to be useful mjust be impartial; else it becomes 
the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, in- 
stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one 
foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause 
those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, 
and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence 
on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues 
of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious, 
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confi- 
dence of the people, to surrender their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign 
nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have 
with them as little political connection as possible. So 
far as we have already formed engagements, let them be 
fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be 
engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which 
are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, 
it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by arti- 
ficial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or 
the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friend- 
ships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables 
us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, 

(27) 



under an efficient government, the period is not far off, 
when we may defy material injury from external annoy- 
ance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause 
the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be 
scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under 
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may 
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, 
by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of 
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of 
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or ca- 
price? 

'Tis oLii' true policy to steer clear of peiiiianent alli- 
ances, witli any portion of the foreign world; so far, I 
mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be 
understood as capable of patronising infidelity to exist- 
ing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable 
to public than t^:^ private affairs, that honesty is always 
the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage- 
ments be observed in their genuine sense. But in my 
opmion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend 
them. 

Taking care always to keep yourselves, by suitable es- 
tablishments, on a i^espectable defense posture, we may 
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary 
emergencies. 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are re- 
comlmended by policy, liumanity, and interest. But even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impar- 
tialhand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors 

(28) 



or preferenc'cs ; cotisaltiiio: the natural cniu^e of things; 
diffusing and divei'sifying by gentle means the streanis 
of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with 
powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, 
to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the 
government to support them — conventional rules of in- 
tercourse, the best that present circumstances and mu- 
tual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be 
from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience 
and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keepmg m 
view that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinteresterl 
favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of 
its independence for .whatever it may accept under that 
character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in 
the condition of having given equivalents for nominal 
favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude foi- 
not giving more. There can be no greater error than 
to expect, or calculate upon real favors froin nation to na- 
tion. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which 
a just pride ought to discarfl. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of 
an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will 
make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; 
that they will control the usual current of the passions, 
or prevent our nation from running the course which has 
hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may 
..ven flatter myself, that they may be productive of son:, 
partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may 
now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, 
to warn against the mischiefs of foreign .intrigiie, to 
guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; 
this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for 
your welfare, by which they have been dictated. 



How far in the discharge of my official duties I have 
been guided by the principles which have been delineat- 
ed, the public records and other evidences of my conduct 
must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the 
assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least 
believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my 
Proclamation of the 22nd of April, 1793 is the index to 
my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by 
that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, 
the spirit of that measure has contmually governed me, 
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from 
it. 

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best 
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our coun- 
try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right 
to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take a 
neutral position. Having taken it, I determined! as far 
as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with modera- 
tion, perseverance and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold this 
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. 
I will only observe, that according to my understanding 
of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any 
of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted 
by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be infer- 
red, without anything more, from the obligation which 
justice and humanity impose on eveiy nation, in cases 
in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the rela- 
tions of peace and amity towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that con- 
duct will best be referred to your own reflections and ex< 

C30) 



perience. With me, a predominant motive has been to 
endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and ma- 
ture its yet recent institutions, and to progress without 
interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, 
which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the 
command of its own fortunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administra- 
tion, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am never- 
theless too sensible of my defects not to think it pro- 
bable that I may have committed many errors. What- 
ever they may be I fervently beseech the Almighty to 
avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. 1 
shall also carry with me the hope that my country will 
never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after 
forty-five years of ni}/ life dedicated to its service, with 
an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will 
be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the 
mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and 
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so nat- 
ural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself 
and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate 
with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I pro- 
mise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoy- 
ment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the 
benign influence of good laws under a free government, 
the ever favorite object of my heart, and' the happy re- 
ward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers 

G. WASHINGTON. 

United States, 14th September, 1796. 



C3i:) 



SEVENTH ANNUL MESSAGE 

James Monroe 

AT WASHINGTON 

DECEMBER 2, 1823 



It was stated at the commencement of the last session, 
that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal 
to improve the condition of the people of those countries, 
and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary- 
moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the re- 
sult has been, so far, very different from what was then 
anticipated. Of events in thatquarter of the globe, with 
which we have so much intercourse, and from which we 
derive our origin, we have always been anxious and dis- 
interested spectators. The citizens of the United States 
cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the lib- 
erty and happiness of their fellowmen on that side of the 
Atlantic. 

In the wars of the European powers, in matters relat- 
ing to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor 
does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when 
our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced that we re- 
sent injuries, or inake preparation for our defence, with 
the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, 
more immediately connected, and by causes which must 
be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. 
The political system of the allied powers is essentially 
different, in this respect, from that of America. This 
difference proceeds from that which exists in their re- 
spective governments. And to the defence of our own, 
which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood 
and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most 
enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed 
unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We 
owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations 
existing between the United States and those powers, to 
declare that we should consider any attempt on their part 
to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, 

C35) 



as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing 
colonies or dependencies of any European power, we 
have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with 
the governments who have declared their independence, 
and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on 
great consideration, and on just principles, acknowl- 
edged, we could not view any interposition for the pur- 
pose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other- 
manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any 
other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly 
disposition towards the United States. 

JAMES MONROE. 



C36) 



GETTYSBURG SPEECH 

Abraham Liucolm 

NOVEMBER 19, 1863 



c:a3i 



Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought 
forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty 
and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created 
equal. 

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whe- 
ther that nation, or any nation so conceived and so de- 
dicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle- 
field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of 
that field as a final resting place for those who here gave 
their lives that the nation might live. It is altogether 
fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a 
larger sense, we cannot dedicate -we cannot consecrate- we 
cannot hallow - this ground. The brave men, living and 
dead, who struggled here have consecrated it, far above 
our poor power to add or detract. The world will little 
note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can 
never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, 
rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which 
they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. 
It 'is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task 
remaining before us. that from these honored dead we 
take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave 
the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly 
resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that 
this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom 
and that government of the people, by the people, for 
the people, shall not perish from the earth. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 



C39) 



WAR MESSAGE 

President Wilson 

In Congress 

APRIL 2, 1917 



The text of Pre?irient Wilson'e address to the special 
session of Congress follows: 

I have called the Congres into extraordinary session 
because there are serious — very serious^ — choices of policy 
to be made — and made immediately — which was neither 
right nor constitutionally permissible that I should as- 
sume the responsibility of making. 

On the third of February last I officially laid before 
you the extraordinary announcement of the imperial 
German government that on and after the first day of 
February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of 
law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every 
vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great 
Britain and Ireland or the western coast of Europeor any 
of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany with- 
in the Mediterranean. That has seemed to be the object 
of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, 
but since April of last year the imperial government had 
somewhat restrainetl the commanders of its undersea 
craft in conformity with its promise then given to us 
that passenger boats should not be sunk, and that due 
warning would be given to all other vessels which its 
submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance 
was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their 
crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives 
in their open boats. Their precautions taken were mea- 
ger and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing 
instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and 
unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was 
observed. 

The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Ves- 
sels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, 
their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been 

(43) 



ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning, and with- 
out thought of help or mercy for those on board, the ves- 
sels of friendly neutrals along With belligerents. Even 
hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely be- 
reaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter 
were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed 
areas by the German government itself and were dis- 
tinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been 
sunk with the sam ereckless lack of compassion or prin- 
ciple. 

I was for a little while imable to believe that such 
things would in fact be done by any government that 
had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civil- 
ized nations. International law had its origin in the at- 
tempt to set up some law, which would be respected and 
observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of do- 
mini(;n and where lay the free highways of the world. 
By painful stage after stage has that law been built up 
with meager enough results indeed, after all was accom- 
plished that could be accomplished, but always with a 
clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of 
mankind demanded. 

This mininunii of right the German government has 
swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity 
and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea 
except these, which it is impossible to employ as it is 
employing them, without throwing to the winds all scru- 
ples of humanity or of respect for the understandings 
that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the 
world. 

I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, 
immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton 
and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, 

(44) 



men. women and children, engaged in pursuits which 
have always, even in the darkest periods of modern his- 
tory, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can 
be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent peo]^''^ 
cannot be. 

The present German submarine warfare against com- 
merce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against 
all nations. American ships have been sunk, American 
lives taken, in ways which it lias stirred us very deeply 
to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and 
friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the 
waters in the same way. There has been no discrimina- 
tion. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation 
must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we 
make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of 
counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our 
character and our motives as a. nation. We must put ex- 
cited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or 
the victorious assertion of the physical might of the na- 
tion, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of 
which we are only a single champion. 

When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of Feb- 
ruary last I thought that it would suffice to assert our 
neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against 
unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe 
against unlawful violence. 

But armed neutrality, it noAV appears, is impracticable. 
Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as 
the German submarines have been used agamst mer- 
chant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against 
their attacks, as the law of nations has assumed that mer- 
chantmen would defend themselves against privateers 
or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. 

(45) 



It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim 
necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before 
they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt 
with upon sight, if dealt with at all. 

The German government denies the right of neutrals 
to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has 
prescribed, even in the defense of rights which no modem 
publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. 
The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which 
we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as 
beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as 
pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough 
at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such 
pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely once 
to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practic- 
ally certain to draw us into the war without either the 
rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. 

There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable 
of making. We will not choose the path of submission 
and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our 
people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against 
which we now array ourselves are not common wrong; 
they cut to the very roots of human life. 

With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical 
character of the step I am taking and of the grave respon- 
sibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience 
to wh'at I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the 
Congress declare the recent course of the imperial German 
government to be in fact nothing less than war against 
the government and people of the United States; that it 
formally accept the status of belligerent, which has thus 
been thrust upon it, and that it take immediate steps not 
only to put the country in a more thorough state of de- 

(46) 



fense, but also to exert all its power and employ all its 
resources to bring the government of the German empire 
to terms and end the war. 

What this will involve is clear. It wdll involve the 
utmost practicable co-operation in counsel and action 
with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as 
incident to that, the extension to those governments of 
the most liberal financial credits, in order that our re- 
sources may, as far as possible, be added to theirs. It 
will involve the organization and mobilization of all the 
material resources of the country to supply the materials 
of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the 
most abundant, and yet the most economical and effi- 
cient way possible. It will involve the immediate full 
equipment of the navy in all respects, but particularly 
in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the 
enemy's submarines. It will involve the immediate addi- 
tion to the armed forces of the United States already pro- 
vided for by law in case of war, at least 500,000 men who 
should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of 
universal liability to service, and also the authorization 
of subsequent additional increments of equal force so 
soon as they may be needed and can be handled in train- 
ing. 

It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate 
credits to the government, sustained, I hope, so far as 
they can equitably be sustained by the present generation 
by well conceived taxation. I say sustained so far as may 
be equitable by taxation, because it seems to me that it 
would be most unwise to base the credits which will now 
be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, 
I most respectfully urge, to protect our people as far 
as we may against the very serious hardships and evils 

(47) 



which would be Ikely to arise out of the infiatioii which 
would be produced by vast loans. 

In carrying out the measures by which these things are 
to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind 
the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own 
preparation and in the equipment of our own military 
forces with the duty — for it will be a very practical duty 
— of supplying the nations already at war with Germany 
with the materials whieh they can obtain only from us 
or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should 
help them in every way to be effective there. 

I shall take the liberty of suggesting through the sev- 
eral executive departments of the Government for the 
consideration of your committees, measures for the ac- 
complishment of the several objects I have mentioned. 
I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as 
having been framed after very careful thought by the 
branch of the Government upon which the responsibility 
of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will 
most directly fall. 

While we do these things, these deeply momentous 
things, let us be very clear and make very clear to all the 
world what our motives and what our objects are. My 
own thought has not been driven from its habitual and 
normal course by the unhappy events of the last two 
months, and I do not believe that the thought of the 
nation has been altered or clouded by them. 

I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had 
in mind when I addressed the Senate on the 22d of Janu- 
ary last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed 
the Congress on the 3d of February and on the 26th of 
February. 

Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles 

(48) 



of peace and justice in the life of the world against selfish 
and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really 
free and self-governed peoples of the world such a con- 
cert of purpose and of action as w411 henceforth insure 
the observance of those principles. 

Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the 
peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its 
peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in 
the existence of autocratic governments backed by or- 
ganized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not 
by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neu- 
trality in such circumstances. 

We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be 
insisted that the same standards of conduct and of re- 
sponsibility for wrong done shall be observed among na- 
tions and their governments that are observed among 
the individual citizens of civilized states. 

We have no quarrel with the German people. We have 
no feeling toward them but one of sympathy and friend- 
ship. It was not upon their impulse that their Govern- 
ment acted in entering this war. It was not with their 
previous knowledge or approval. 

It was a war determined upon as wars used to be de- 
termined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples 
were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were 
provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of 
little groups of ambitious men, who were accustomed to 
use their fellowmen as pawns and tools. 

Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states 
with spies, or set the course of intrigue to bring about 
some critical posture of affairs which will give them an 
opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs 
can be successfully worked only under cover and where 

C49) 



no one has the right to ask questions. 

Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, 
carried, it may be, from generation to. generation, can 
be worked out and kept from the light only within the 
privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded con- 
fidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are hap- 
pily impossible where public opinion commands and in- 
sists upon full information concerning all the nation's 
affairs. 

A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained 
except by a partnership of democratic nations. No auto- 
cratic government could be trusted to keep faith within 
it or conserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, 
a partnership of opinion. 

Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the ploftings of 
inner circles who could plan what they would and render 
account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very 
heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and 
their honor steady to a common end and prefer the inter- 
ests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. 

Does not every American feel that assurance has been 
aodded to our hope for the future peace of the world by 
the wonderful and heartening things that have been hap- 
pening within the last few weeks in Russia? 

Russia was known by those who knew it best to have 
been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital 
habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of 
her people that spoke their natural instinct, their ha- 
bitual attitude toward life. 

The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political 
structure, long as it has stood and terrible as was the 
reality of its power, was not in fact of Russian origin, 
character or purpose; and now it has been shaken oft' and 

(SO) 



the great, generous Russian people have been added in ^ 
all their native majesty and might to the forces that are* 
fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and for 
peace. Here is a fit partner for a league of honor. 

One of the things that has served to convince us that 
the Prussian autocracy was no and could never be our 
friend is that from the very outset of the present war it 
has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our of- 
fices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues 
everywhere afoot against our national unity and council, 
our peace within and without our industries and our com- 
merce. 

Indeed, it is now evident that its spies were here even 
before the war began, and it unhappily is not a matter of 
conjecture, but a fact proved in our courts of justice, that 
the intrigues which have more than once come perilously 
near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the hidus- 
tries of the country have been carried on at the instiga- 
tion, with the support, and even under the personal di- 
rection of official agents of the Imperial German Gov- 
ernment accredited to the Government of the United 
States, 

Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate 
them we have sought to put the most generous interpre- 
tations possible upon them because we knew that their 
source law, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the 
German people toward us (who were, no doubt, as ig- 
norant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the 
selfish designs of a government that did what it pleased 
and told its people nothing. But they have played their 
part in serving to convince us at last that that govern- 
ment entertains no real friendship for us and means to 
act against our peace and security at its convenience. 

(51) 



.That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very 
doors, the intercepted note to the German Minister at 
Mexico City is eloquent evidence. 

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose be- 
cause we know that in such a government, following 
such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in 
the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait 
to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be 
no assured security for the democratic governments of 
the world. 

We are now about to accept the gage of battle with this 
natural foe to liberty, and shall, if necessary, spend the 
whole force of the nation to check and nullify its preten- 
sions and its power. W^e are glad now that we see the 
facte with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight 
thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the lib- 
eration of its peop^^s, the German peoples included ; for 
the rights of nation.s great and small and the privilege of 
men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obe- 
dience. The world must be made safe for democracy. 
Its peace must be planted upon the trusted foundation 
of political liberty. 

We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no con- 
quest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for our- 
selves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we 
shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of 
the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when thos6' 
rights have been as secure as the faith and the freedom 
of the nations can make them. 

Just because we fight without rancor, animus, not in 
enmity toward a people nor with the desire to bring 
any injur}; or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed 
opposition to an irresponsible government which has 

C52:) 



thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right 
and is running amuck. 

We are, let me say again, the sincere friend of the Ger- 
man people and shall desire nothing so much as the early 
re-establishment of intimate relations of mutual advan- 
tage between us — however hard it may be for them, for 
the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our 
hearts. We have borne with their present government 
through all these bitter months because of that friend- 
ship — exercising a patience and forbearance which would 
otherwise have been impossible. We shall, happily, still 
have an opportunity to prove that frier.dship in our daily 
attitude and action toward the millions of men and wo- 
men of German birth and native sympathy who live 
amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to 
prove it toward all who are in fact loyal to their neigh- 
bors and to this government in the hour of test. They 
are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they 
had never known any other fealty or allegiance. 

They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and 
restraining the few who may be of a different mind and 
purpose. 

If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with 
a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head 
at all, it will lift it only here and there and without coun- 
tenance except from a lawless and malignant few. 

It is a distressful and oppressive duty, gentlemen of 
the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing 
you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial 
and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this 
great peaceful country into war, into the most terrible 
and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to 
be in the balance. But the right is more precious than 

(S3) 



peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have 
always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the 
right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in 
their own governments, for the rights and liberties of 
small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such 
a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety 
to all nations, and make the world itself at last free. 

To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our for- 
tunes, everything that we are and everything that we 
have with the pride of those who know that the day has 
come when America is privileged to spend her blood and 
her might for the principles that gave her birth and hap- 
piness and the peace which she has treasured. God help- 
ing her, she can do no other. 



(54) 



APPENDIX 



We the people of the United States, in order to form a 
more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestio 
tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the 
general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our- 
selves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Con- 
stitution for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I 

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall 
be vested in a Congress of the United States, which 
shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. 

Section 2. 1 The House of Representatives shall be 
composed of members chosen every second year by the 
people of the several States, and the electors in each 
State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors 
of the most numerous branch of the State legislature. 

2 No person shall be a representative who shall not 
have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been 
seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall 
not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which 
he shall be chosen. 

3 Representatives and direct taxes shall be appor- 
tioned among the several States which may be included 
within this Union, according to their respective numbers, 
which shall be determined by adding to the whole num- 
ber of free persons, including those bound to service for 
a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three 
fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall 
be made within three years after the first meeting of the 
Congress of the United States, and within every subse- 



quent term of ten years, in siicli manner as they shall by 
law direct. The number of representatives shall not ex- 
ceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall 
have at least one representative; and until such enumer- 
ation shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall 
be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, 
New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, 
Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Caro- 
lina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

4 When vacancies happen in the representation from 
any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs 
of election to fill such vacancies. 

5 The House of Representatives shall choose their 
speaker and other officers, and shall have the sole power 
of impeachment. 

Section 3. 1 The Senate of the United States shall 
be composed of two senators from each State, chosen by 
the legislature thereof for six years; and each senator 
shall have one vote. 

2 Immediately after they shall be assembled in con- 
sequence of the first election, they shall be divided as eq- 
ually as may be into 3 classes. The seats of the senators of 
the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the sec- 
ond year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth 
year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth 
year, so that one third may be chosen every second year ; 
and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwase, 
during the recess of the legislature of any State, the ex- 
ecutive thereof may make temporary appointments until 

(58) 



the next meeting of the legislature, whieh j^hall then fill 
such vacancies. 

3 No person shall be a senator who shall not have 
attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years 
a citizen of the Unitd States, and who shall not, when 
elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall 
be chosen. 

4 The Vice President of the I'nited States shall be 
President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless 
they be equally divided. 

5 The Senate shall choose their other officers, and 
also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice 
President, or when he shall exercise the office of Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

6 The Senate shall have the sole powder to try all 
impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall 
be on oath oi' affirmation. When the President of the 
United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside: and 
no person shall be convictf rl with(Uit the concurrence of 
two thirds of the members present. 

7 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend 
further than to removal from office, and disqualification 
to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit 
under the United States: but the party convicted shall 
nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, 
judgment and punishment, according to law. 

Section 4. 1 The times, places, and manner of 
holding elections for senators and representatives, shall 
be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; 
but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter 

(39) 



such regulations, except as to the places of choosmg 
senators. 

2 The Congress shall assemble at least once in every 
year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in 
December, unless they shall by law appoint a different 
day. 

Section 5. 1 Each House shall be the judge of the 
elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, 
and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do 
business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day 
to day, and may be authorized to compel the attend- 
ance of absent members, in such manner, and under such 
penalties as each House may provide. 

2 Each House may determine the rules of its pro- 
ceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, 
and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 

3 Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, 
and from time to time publish the same, excepting such 
parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the 
yeas and nays of the members of either House on any 
question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, 
be entered on the journal. 

4 Neither House, during the session of Congress, 
shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more 
than three days, nor to any other place than that in 
which the two Houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. 1 The senators and representatives shall 
receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained 
by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. 
They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach 

.0 : (60) 



of tlie peare, be ]^rivilep;ed from arrept riuiiDn; their nt- 
tendance at the session of their respective Houses, aiul 
in going to and returning from the same; and for any 
speech or debate in either House, they shall not be ques- 
tioned in any other place. 

2 No senator or representative shall, during the tini 
for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office 
under the authority of the United States, which shall 
have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have 
))een increased (hiring such time; and lui ])ors(tn lioldiiig 
any office under the United States shall b(^ a mom1)ei' of 
either House during his continuance in office. 

Section 7. 1 All bills for raising revenue shall origi- 
nate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate 
may propose or concur with amendments as on other 
bills. 

2 Every bill which shall have passed the House of 
Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a 
law, be presented to the President of the United States; 
if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, 
with his objections to that House in which it shall have 
originated, who shall enter the objections at large on 
their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such 
reconsideration two thii-ds of that House shall agree to 
pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objec- 
tions, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be re- 
considered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, 
it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of 
both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and 
the names of the persons voting for and against the bill 



(61) 



shall be entered on the journal of each House respec- 
tively. If an}^ bill shall not be returned by the Presi- 
dent within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall 
have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in 
like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by 
their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it 
shall not be a law. 

3 Every order, resolution, or vote to which the con- 
currence of the Senate and House of Representatives 
may be necessaiy (except on a question of adjournment) 
shall be presented to the President of the United States; 
and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved 
by him, or being disapproved by him,shall be repassed by 
two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the 
case of a bill. 

Section 8. 1. The Congress shall have power to lay 
and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the 
debts and provide for the common defense and general 
welfare of the Ignited States; but all duties, imposts and 
excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; 

2 To borrow money on the credit of t<he AJnited 
States ; 

3 To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and 
among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; 

4 To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and 
uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout 
the United States; 

5 To coin money, regulate the \^alue thereof, and of 
foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and meas- 

C62) 



Ures ; 

6 To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting 
the securities and current coin of the United States; 

7 To establish post offices and post roads; 

8 To promote the progress of science and useful arts 
by securing for limited times to authors and inventors 
the exclusive right to their respective writings and dis- 
coveries ; 

9 To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme 
Court ; 

10 To define and punish piracies and felonies com- 
mitted on the high seas, and offenses against the law of 
nations; 

11 To declare war, grant letters of marque and re- 
prisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and 
w^ater; 

12 To raise and support armies, but no appropriation 
of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two 
years ; 

13 To provide and maintain a navy; 

14 To make rules for the government and regulation 
of the land and naval forces; 

15 To provide for- calling forth the militia to execute 
the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel 
invasions ; 

16 To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplin- 
ing the militia, and for governing such part of them as 
may be employed in the service of the United States, re- 
serving to the States respectively the appointment of the 
officers, and the authority of training the militia accord- 

(63) 



ing to the discipline prescribed by Congress,' 

17 To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases what- 
soever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) 
as may, by cession of particular States and the accept- 
ance of Congress, become the seat of the government of 
the United States, and to exercise like authority over all 
places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the 
State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, 
magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful build- 
ings; and 

18 To make all laws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, 
and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the 
government of the Ignited States, or in any department 
or. officer thereof. 

Section 9. 1 The migration or importation of such 
persons as any of the States now existing shall think 
proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congi^ss 
prior to, the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, 
but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, 
not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 

2 The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not 
be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or in- 
vasion the public safety may require it. 

3 No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be 
passed. 

4 No capitation, or othei- direct, tax shall be laid, un- 
less in proportion to the census or enumeration herein- 
before directed to be taken. 

5 No tax or duty shall l)e laid on articles exported 

(64) 



from any State. 

6 No preference shall be given by any regulation of 
commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those 
of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State 
be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

7 No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but 
in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a 
regular statement and account of the receipts and ex- 
penditures of all public money shall be published from 
time to time. 

8 No title of nobility shall be granted by the United 
States : and no person holding any office of profit or trust 
under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, 
accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any 
kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State. 

Section 10. 1. No state shall enter into any treaty, 
alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and re- 
prisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything 
but gold and silver com a tender in payment of debts; 
pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law im- 
pairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of 
nobility. 

'2 No State shall, without the consent of the Con- 
gress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, 
except what may be absolutely necessary for executing 
its inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties 
and imposts laid b}^ any State on imports or exports, 
shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; 
and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and con- 
trol of the Congress. 



C65) 



3 No State shall, without the consent of Congress, 
lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in 
time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with 
another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, 
unless actually invaded, or in such innninent danger as 
will not admit of delay. 

ARTICLE II 

Section 1. 1 The executive power shall be vested 
in a President of the United States of America. He shall 
hold his office during the term of four years, and, to- 
gether with the Vice President, chosen for the same 
term, be elected, as follows 

2 Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the 
legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal 
to the whole number of senators and representatives to 
which the State inay be entitled in the Congress: but no 
senator or representative, or person holding an office of 
trust or profit under the United States, shall be ap- 
pointed an elector. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and 
vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall 
not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. 
And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for. 
and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall 
sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the 
government of the ITnited States, (Urected to the presi- 
dent of the Senate. The president of the Senate, shall, 
in the presence of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then 
be counted. The person having the greatest number of 



C66) 



votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there 
be more than one who have such majority, and have an 
equal number of votes, then the House of Representa- 
tives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for 
President; and if no person have a majority, then from 
the five highest on the list the said house shall in like 
manner choose the President. But in choosing the Presi- 
dent, the votes shall be taken by States, the representa- 
tion from each State having one vote; a quorum for this 
purpose shall consist of a member or members from two- 
thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall 
be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice 
of the President, the person having the greatest number 
of votes of the electors shall be the Vice President. But if 
there should remain two or more who have equal votes, 
the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice 
President. 

3 The Congress may determine the time of choosing 
the electors, and the day on which they shall give their 
votes; which day shall be the same throughout the 
United States. 

4 No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen 
of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this 
Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; 
neither shall any person be eligible to that office who 
shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, 
and been fourteen years a resident within the United 
States. 

5 In case of the removal of the President from office, 

C67) 



or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge 
the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall 
devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by 
law provide for the case of removal death, resignation, 
or inability, both of the President and Vice President, 
declaring what officer shall then act as President, and 
such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be 
removed, or a President shall be elected. 

6 The President shall, at stated times, receive for his 
services a compensation, which shall neither be increased 
nor diminished during the period for which he shall have 
been elected, and he shall not receive within that period 
any other emolument from the United States, or any 
of them, 

7 Before he enter en the execution of his office, he 
shall take the folio Vvdng oath or affirmation: — ''I do sol- 
emnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the 
office of President of the United States, and will to the 
best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Con- 
stitution of the United States." 

Section 2. 1 The President shall be commander in 
chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of 
the militia of the several States, when called into the 
actual service of the United States; he may requii^e the 
opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the 
executive departments, upon any subject relating to the 
duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power 
to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the 
United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2 He shall have power, by and with the advice and 



(68) 



consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two 
thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nomi- 
nate, and by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public minis- 
ters and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all 
other officers of the United States, whose appointments 
are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be 
established by law: but the Congress may by law vest 
the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think 
proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in 
the heads of departments. 

3 The President shall have power to fill up all va- 
cancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, 
by granting commissions which shall expire at the end 
of their next session. 

Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the 
Congress information of the state of the Union, and rec- 
ommend to their consideration such measures as he shall 
judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary 
occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in 
case of disagreement between them with respect to the 
time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time 
as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors 
and other public ministers; ho shall take care that the 
laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the 
officers of the United States. 

Section 4. The President, Vice President, and all 
civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from 
office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, 
bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 



C69) 



ARTICLE III. 

Section 1. The judicial power of the United States 
shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such in- 
ferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain 
and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and in- 
ferior courts, shall hold their offices during good be- 
havior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their ser- 
vices, a compensation which shall not be diminished dur- 
ing their continuance in office. 

Section 2. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all 
cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, 
the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or 
which shall be made, under their authority; — to all cases 
affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and 
consuls; — to all cases of admiralty and mar- 
itime jurisdiction; — to controversies to which 
the United States shall be a party; — to 
controversies between two or more States; — between a 
State and citizens of another State; — between citizens of 
different states, — between citizens of the same State 
claimmg lands under grants of different States, and be- 
tween a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, 
citizens or subjects. 

2 In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall 
be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdic- 
tion. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Su- 
preme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to 
law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regu- 
lations as the Congress shall make. 

C70) 



3 The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeach- 
ment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in 
the State where the said crimes shall have been com- 
mitted; but when not committed within any State, the 
trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may 
by law have directed. 

Section 3. 1 Treason against the United States, 
shall consist only in levying war against them, or in ad- 
hering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the tes- 
timony of two witnesses to the same overt act. or on con- 
fession in open court. 

2 The Congress shall have power to declare the pun- 
ishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work 
corruption of blood, or forfeiture except during the life of 
the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV 

Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each 
State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings 
of every other State. And the Congress may by general 
laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and 
proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. 1 The citizens of each State shall be en- 
titled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
several States. 

2 A person charged in any State with treason, felony, 
or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in 
another State, shall on demand of the executive author- 
ity of the State from which he fled, be delivered up to be 
removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 



3 No person held to service or labor in one State, un- 
der the laws thereof, escaping into ano'ther, shall, in con- 
sequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up or: 
claim of the party to whom such service or labor may 1 
due. 

Section 3. 1 New States may be admitted by the 
Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be 
formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two 
or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of 
the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the 
Congress. 

2 The Congress shall have power to dispose of an 
make all needful rules and regulations respecting the ter- 
ritory or other property belonging to the United States; 
and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as 
to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any 
particular State. 

Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to 
every State in this Union a republican fonn of govern- 
ment, and shall protect each of them against invasion; 
and on application of the legislature, or of the executive 
(when the legislature cannot be convened) against do- 
mestic violence. 

ARTICLE V 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses 
shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to 
this Constitution, or, on the application of the legisla- 
tures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a con- 

(72) 



vention for proposing ameiidments, which, m either case, 
shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this 
Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three 
fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three 
fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratifica- 
tion may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no 
amendment which may be made prior to the year one 
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner 
affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of 
the first article; and that no State, without its consent, 
shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 
ARTICLE VI 

1 All debts contracted and engagements entered in- 
to, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as 
valid against the United States under this Constitution, 
as under the Confederation. 

2 This Constitution, and 'the tews of the United 
States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and 
all treaties made, oi' which shall be made, under the 
authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law 
of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound 
thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any 
State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3 The senators and representatives before mentioned, 
and the members of the several State legislatures, and all 
executive and judicial officers, both of the United States, 
and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or af- 
firmation to support this Constitution; but no religious 
test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office 
or public trust under the United States. 

C73> 



ARTICLE VTT 

The ratification of the convention of nine States shall 
be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution 
between the States so ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the 

States present the seventeenth day of September in 

the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 

eighty-seven, and of the independence of the LTnited 

States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we 

have hereunto subscribed our names, 

Go: Washington — 
Presidt. and Deputy from Virginia 

New Hampshire — John Langdon; Nicholas Oilman. 

Massachusetts-^2ii\\ame\ Gorham; Rufus King. / 

Comiecticut — Wm. Saml. Johnson; Roger Sherman. 

New York — Alexander Hamilton. 

New Jersey — Wii: Livingston; David Brearley; Wm. 
Paterson; Jona: Dayton. 

Pennsylvania — B. Franklin; Thomas IVIiftlin; Robt. 
Morris; Geo. Clymer; Thos. Fitzsimons; Jared Ingersoll; 
James Wilson; Gouv Morris. 

Delaware— Geo: Read; Gunning Bedford Jun; John 
Dickinson; Richard Bassett; Jaco: Broom. 

Maryland — James McHenry ; Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer ; 
Danl. Carroll. 

Virginia — John Blair — ; James Madison Jr. 

North Carolina — Wm. Blount; Richd. Dobbs Spaight; 
Hu Williamson. 

South Carolina — J. Rutledge; Charles Cotesworth 

(74) 



Pinckney; Charles Pinckney; Pierce Butler. 
Georgia — William Few; Abr Baklwiii. 

Attest William Jackson, Secretary. 



Articles in addition to, and amendment of, the Constitu- 
tion of the United States of America, proposed by 
Congress, and ratified by the legislatures of the several 
States pursuant to the fifth article of the original Con- 
stitution. 

ARTICLE I 
Congress shall make no law respecting an establish- 
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; 
or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the 
right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to peti- 
tion the government for a redress of grievances. 
ARTICLE IT 
A well regulated militia, being necessary to the se- 
curity of a free State, the right of the people to keep and 
bear arms, shall not be infringed. 
ARTICLE III 
No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any 
house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of 
war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law\ 
ARTICLE IV 
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, 
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches 
and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall 
issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or af- 
firmation, and particularly describing the place to be 
searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 

C75) 



ARTICLE V 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or 
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or 
indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in 
the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual 
service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any 
person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in 
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any 
criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be de- 
prived of life, liberty, or property, without due process 
of law^ ; nor shall private property be taken for public use 
without just compensation. 

ARTICLE VI 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy 
the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial 
juiy of the State and district wherein the crime shall 
have been committed, which district shall have been pre- 
viously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the 
nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted 
with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory pro- 
cess for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the 
assistance of counsel for his defense. 
ARTICLE VII 

In suits at common law, where the value in contro- 
versy shall exceed twenty d.o]Iars, th right of trial by 
jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall 
be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United 
States, than according to the rules of the common law. 
ARTICLE VIII 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 

C76) 



imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted 
ARTICLE IX 

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights 
shall not be construed to deny or disparage others re- 
tained by the people. 

ARTICLE X 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the 
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are re- 
served to the States respectively, or to the people. 
ARTICLE XI 

The judicial jwwer of the United States shall not ]:^.e 
construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- 
menced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of 
any foreign State. 

ARTICLE XII 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and 
vote by ballot for President and Vice Prsident, ojie of 
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
State with themselves; they shall name in their ballot 
the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots 
the person voted for as Vice President, and they sha':' 
make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President 
and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the 
number of votes for each, which lists they shall sig-n and 
certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of 
the United States, directed to the president of the 
Senate; — The president of the Senate shall, in the pres- 
ence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open 
all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted; 

C77) 



— The person having the greatest number of votes for 
President shall be the President, if such number be a 
majority of the whole number of electors appointed; 
if no person have such majority, then from the persons 
having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the 
list of those voted for as President, the House of Repre- 
sentatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the Presi- 
dent. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be 
taken by States, the representation from each State hav- 
ing one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of 
a member or members from two thirds of the States, and 
a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a 
President whenever the right of choice shall devolve up- 
on them, before the fourth day of March next following, 
then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the 
case of the death or other constitutional disability of the 
President. The person having the greatest number of 
votes as Vice President shall be the Vice President, if 
such number be a majority of the whole number of 
electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, 
then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate 
shall choose the Vice President; a quorum for the pur- 
pose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number of 
senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be 
necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally in- 
eligible to the office of President shnll be eligible to that 
of Vice President of th United States. 
ARTICLE XIII 
Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servi- 

n C78) 



tude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party 
shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the 
Unitd States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Section 2. Congress shall have the po^ver to enforce 
this article by appropriate legislation. 
ARTICLE XIV 

Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the 
United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are 
citizens of the United States and of the State wherein 
they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law 
which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citi- 
zens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive 
any person of life, liberty, or property, without due pro- 
cess of law ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction 
the equal protection of the laws. 

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned 
among the • several States according to their respective 
numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each 
State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right 
to vote at any election for the choice of electors for Presi- 
dent and Mce President of the United States, repre- 
sentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers 
of a State, or the members of the legislatur thereof, is 
denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, be- 
ing twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United 
States, or in any way abridged, except for participation 
in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation 
therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the 
number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole 
number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such 

(79) 



State. 

Section 3. No person shall be a senator or represen- 
tative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice Presi- 
dent, or hold any office, civil or military, under the 
United States, or under any State, who, having pre- 
viously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an 
officer of the United States, or as a member of any 
State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of 
any State, to support the Constitution of the United 
States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two thirds of 
each House, remove such disability. 

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United 
States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for 
payment of pensions and bounties for services in sup- 
pressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. 
But neither the T'nited States nor any State shall assume 
or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrec- 
tion or rebellion against the United States, or any claim 
for the loss or emaucipation of any slave; but all such 
debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and 
void. 

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, 
by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. 
ARTICLE XV 

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States 
to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United 
States or by any State on account of race, color, or pre- 
vious condition of servitude. 



(80) 



Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce 
this article by appropriate legislation. 
ARTICLE XVI 

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes 
on incomes from whatever source derived, without ap- 
portionment among the several States, and without re- 
gard to any census or enumeration. 
ARTICLE XVII 

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 
two Senators from each State, elected by the people 
thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one 
vote. The electors in each State shall have the quali- 
fications requisite for the elector of the most numerous 
branch of the state legislatures. 

When vacancies happen in the representation of any 
State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State 
shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

Provided, that the legislature of any State may em- 
power the executive thereof to make temporary appoint- 
ments until the people fill the vacancies by election, as 
the legislature may direct. 

This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect 
the election or term of any Senator chosen before it be- 
comes valid as part of the Constitution. 



(81) 



THE SUNANP AND THE STARS 

(An International Song) 
PHILIP HENRY DODGE 



Tune: Columbia, the Gem of the Ocean 

The sun and the stars in the heavens 

United in radiance shine; 

Their light Hke a mantle of glory 

Descends as a blessing divine. 

Let the nations whose banners are waving 

The sign of the stars and the sun, 

Give light to the earth and its people, 

United in purpose as one. 

Hurrah for the sun and the stars! 

Banzai for the stars and the sun ! 

Inscribed on the skies it is written, 

The Heart of the nations is one. 
Though clouds in their darkness may gather, 
And ages in turn pass away, 
U^naltered as laws of creation, 
The lights of the firmament siay. 
Let the nations whose banners are waving 
These emblems of beauty and light, 
Stand firm for protection united, 
As follow the day and the night. 

Hurrah for the sun and the stars! 

Banzai for the stars and the sun! 

Deep down in all hearts it is written, 

The Life of the nations is one. 



C85) 



'' Though language and customs may differ, 

Though kingdoms their courses have run, 
' Though races and peoples have altered, 

^ O'er all shine the stars and tne sun. 

f Let the nations whose banners are wavmg 

f The symbols that never snail cease, 

> Insure for the earth and its people 

• The blessings of safety and peace. 

Hurrah for the sun and the stars! 
\ Banzai for the stars and the sun? 

^ Enshrined in all life it is written, 

The God of the nations is one. 
J" Philip Henry Dodge. 



(86) 



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